{"id":11560,"date":"2017-08-08T11:27:43","date_gmt":"2017-08-08T09:27:43","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/humanrights-online.org\/en\/?p=11560"},"modified":"2021-11-26T10:48:56","modified_gmt":"2021-11-26T09:48:56","slug":"draft-law-on-ngos-could-imperil-moldovan-democracy","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/humanrights-online.org\/ge\/draft-law-on-ngos-could-imperil-moldovan-democracy\/","title":{"rendered":"Draft Law on NGOs Could Imperil Moldovan Democracy"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><div class=\"fusion-fullwidth fullwidth-box fusion-builder-row-1 nonhundred-percent-fullwidth non-hundred-percent-height-scrolling fusion-equal-height-columns\" style=\"--awb-background-position:left top;--awb-border-radius-top-left:0px;--awb-border-radius-top-right:0px;--awb-border-radius-bottom-right:0px;--awb-border-radius-bottom-left:0px;--awb-padding-top:20px;--awb-padding-bottom:20px;--awb-border-sizes-top:0px;--awb-border-sizes-bottom:0px;--awb-flex-wrap:wrap;\" ><div class=\"fusion-builder-row fusion-row\"><div class=\"fusion-layout-column fusion_builder_column fusion-builder-column-0 fusion_builder_column_1_2 1_2 fusion-one-half fusion-column-first\" style=\"--awb-padding-top:5%;--awb-padding-right:5%;--awb-padding-bottom:5%;--awb-padding-left:5%;--awb-bg-color:#f4f4f4;--awb-bg-color-hover:#f4f4f4;--awb-bg-size:cover;width:48%; margin-right: 4%;\"><div class=\"fusion-column-wrapper fusion-flex-column-wrapper-legacy\"><div class=\"fusion-title title fusion-title-1 fusion-sep-none fusion-title-text fusion-title-size-one\" style=\"--awb-margin-top-small:10px;--awb-margin-right-small:0px;--awb-margin-bottom-small:10px;--awb-margin-left-small:0px;\"><h1 class=\"fusion-title-heading title-heading-left\" style=\"margin:0;\"><h1 id=\"page-title\" class=\"title\">Draft Law on NGOs Could Imperil Moldovan Democracy<\/h1><\/h1><\/div><div class=\"fusion-text fusion-text-1\"><div class=\"field field-name-body field-type-text-with-summary field-label-hidden\">\n<div class=\"field-items\">\n<div class=\"field-item even\">\n<p>This summer has proven to be a tumultuous period for civil society in Moldova. On July 11, the Minister of Justice, Vladimir Cebotari, made public a draft measure regulating NGOs in Moldova. The <a href=\"http:\/\/justice.gov.md\/public\/files\/transparenta_in_procesul_decizional\/coordonare\/2017\/iulie\/11\/2017_07_11_proiect_lege_ONG_final.pdf\">draft law<\/a>, developed over the last year in consultation with several members of Moldovan civil society, included routine regulations\u00a0 \u2013 with three important, worrisome exceptions.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"http:\/\/crjm.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/07\/2017-07-11-Declaration-MJ-initiative-contrary-to-law.pdf\">Articles 28 \u2013 30,<\/a> which the Minister of Justice added on its own, include \u201cspecial provisions on [the] political activity of non-government organizations,\u201d significantly limiting the activity of NGOs and establishing prohibitions for their direct or indirect foreign financing.<\/p>\n<p>Judged by those sections of the draft legislation, the government apparently considers \u201cpolitical activity\u201d to be part of \u00a0civil society\u2019s most important work, including advocating for public policy and legal reforms to improve participatory democracy.<\/p>\n<p>These provisions would harm the majority of NGOs in Moldova, since about <a href=\"https:\/\/www.rferl.org\/a\/moldova-ngos-reject-foreign-funding-ban\/28612337.html\">90 percent<\/a> receive foreign funding. Harsh penalties are proposed for violations, including <a href=\"https:\/\/anticoruptie.md\/en\/news\/the-attempt-to-limit-foreign-funding-of-ngos-endangers-the-functioning-of-democracy-in-moldova-and-cannot-under-any-circumstances-be-accepted\">sanctions<\/a> for NGOs found to be in breach of the law, as well as authorization for the Ministry of Justice to forcibly liquidate organizations.<\/p>\n<p>Over <a href=\"http:\/\/crjm.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/07\/2017-07-11-Declaration-MJ-initiative-contrary-to-law.pdf\">75 Moldovan NGOs<\/a> have signed a letter urging the government to oppose the measure, including Freedom House partners the Association of Independent Press (API), \u201cPiligrim-Demo\u201d Public Association, the Association for Efficient and Responsible Governance (AGER), and the Center of Investigative Journalism of Moldova (CIJM), all of which receive foreign funding.<\/p>\n<p>The proposed law would cut off organizations that receive direct or indirect foreign funding from the \u201c<a href=\"http:\/\/ecnl.org\/moldova-launches-new-financing-mechanism-for-civil-society\/\">two percent<\/a> mechanism,\u201d which allows citizens to donate two percent of their tax payments to NGOs and charity organizations. This funding has been essential to many organizations\u2019 survival. Denying NGOs access to this mechanism would undermine their fiscal sustainability, as well as citizens\u2019 support to their missions and the services that they deliver, often in lieu of the services that the government fails to provide.<\/p>\n<p>Members of civil society in Moldova as well as the Venice Commission, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Council of Europe, several EU members, and USAID have condemned the legislation law as a <a href=\"http:\/\/independent.md\/tapiola-critica-intentia-ministerului-justitiei-de-interzice-finantarea-ong-urilor-din-strainatate-este-un-motiv-de-ingrijorare\/#.WYN8MnWGOUn\">step back<\/a> for democracy in Moldova. Allowing civil society to have an active role in politics, as well as speak out and engage openly on government actions, are vital parts of freedom of association and an open, democratic society. Some critics have seen the draft law as an imitation of Russian legislation severely limiting independent NGOs. Copycat measures have also been seen in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan.<\/p>\n<p>Sweden\u2019s ambassador to Moldova, Signe Burgstaller, <a href=\"http:\/\/www.report.md\/stiri\/Ambasadoarea-Suediei-Initiativa-de-a-limita-activitatea-ONG-urilor-este-contrara-normelor-democratice-726\">stated<\/a>, \u201cThe amendments raise concern,\u201d Swedish ambassador Signe Burgstaller <a href=\"http:\/\/www.report.md\/stiri\/Ambasadoarea-Suediei-Initiativa-de-a-limita-activitatea-ONG-urilor-este-contrara-normelor-democratice-726\">recently said<\/a>. \u201cThe latest proposals introduced by the Minister of Justice are incompatible with the principles and standards of the European Union and good international practice. Civil society has a fundamental role in democratic societies and therefore its work should not be unduly limited.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Karen Hilliard, the Director of the USAID Mission in Moldova, called the draft law \u201c<a href=\"http:\/\/www.moldovacurata.md\/news\/view\/sefa-misiunii-usaid-in-moldova-daca-trece-proiectul-de-lege-propus-de-mj-moldova-se-va-compara-cu-cele-mai-represive-regimuri-din-regiune\">a confusing situation<\/a>\u2026 I am afraid now that Moldova, if it passes such a law, will be on par with the most repressive regions in the region. It is not a group that Moldova wants to identify with.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The Moldovan <a href=\"http:\/\/justice.gov.md\/libview.php?l=ro&amp;idc=4&amp;id=3555\">Ministry of Justice<\/a> and the <a href=\"http:\/\/diez.md\/2017\/07\/13\/apelul-lui-candu-catre-societatea-civila-de-contribui-la-imbunatatirea-legislatiei-privind-activitatile-ong-urilor\/\">Speaker of the Parliament<\/a>, Andrian Candu, have indicated that they are open to accepting comments on the draft legislation, particularly to ensure its compliance with European standards and frameworks such as the European Court of Human Rights\u2019 <a href=\"https:\/\/www.coe.int\/en\/web\/echr-toolkit\/la-liberte-de-reunion-et-dassociation\">practices on freedom of association<\/a>, before it is finalized on August 11.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThere is still much work to be done on this project,\u201d Candu <a href=\"http:\/\/diez.md\/2017\/07\/13\/apelul-lui-candu-catre-societatea-civila-de-contribui-la-imbunatatirea-legislatiei-privind-activitatile-ong-urilor\/\">has said<\/a>. \u201cIn addition to all national expertise, the project also needs international expertise from the Council of Europe. This project will not be voted by the government or the Parliament until the Council of Europe has endorsed it.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>With Moldova exceptionally vulnerable to pressure from Russia and also facing demands from the EU to deliver promised reforms, it is urgent that Moldova\u2019s leadership recognize that Articles 28 \u2013 30 of the draft law are serious threats to fundamental freedoms.<\/p>\n<p>Passage of the measure would mark a reversal of the democratic progress that Moldova has made in the last decade. Moldovan leadership must decide whether it wants to keep moving towards democratic practices, or to join the ranks of Russia, Kazakhstan, or Kyrgyzstan.<\/p>\n<p>Civil society in Moldova and the international community must continue to emphasize that this draft law, in its current form, could imperil Moldovan democracy.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"field field-name-blog-disclaimer field-type-ds field-label-hidden\">\n<div class=\"field-items\">\n<div class=\"field-item even\">\n<div id=\"block-block-8\" class=\"block block-block block-8 block-block-8 odd block-without-title\">\n<div class=\"block-inner clearfix\">\n<div class=\"content clearfix\">\n<p><em>Analyses and recommendations offered by the authors do not necessarily reflect those of Freedom House.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Source: <a href=\"https:\/\/freedomhouse.org\/blog\/draft-law-ngos-could-imperil-moldovan-democracy\">freedomhouse.org<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div><div class=\"fusion-clearfix\"><\/div><\/div><\/div><div class=\"fusion-layout-column fusion_builder_column fusion-builder-column-1 fusion_builder_column_1_2 1_2 fusion-one-half fusion-column-last\" style=\"--awb-padding-top:5%;--awb-padding-right:5%;--awb-padding-bottom:5%;--awb-padding-left:5%;--awb-bg-color:#f4f4f4;--awb-bg-color-hover:#f4f4f4;--awb-bg-size:cover;width:48%;\"><div class=\"fusion-column-wrapper fusion-flex-column-wrapper-legacy\"><div class=\"fusion-image-element in-legacy-container\" style=\"--awb-caption-title-font-family:var(--h2_typography-font-family);--awb-caption-title-font-weight:var(--h2_typography-font-weight);--awb-caption-title-font-style:var(--h2_typography-font-style);--awb-caption-title-size:var(--h2_typography-font-size);--awb-caption-title-transform:var(--h2_typography-text-transform);--awb-caption-title-line-height:var(--h2_typography-line-height);--awb-caption-title-letter-spacing:var(--h2_typography-letter-spacing);\"><span class=\" fusion-imageframe imageframe-none imageframe-1 hover-type-none\"><a href=\"http:\/\/humanrights-online.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/08\/2016_09_19__dsc1279_rsz_crp_crp.jpg\" class=\"fusion-lightbox\" data-rel=\"iLightbox[2d9db2cbe2544dafd93]\"><img decoding=\"async\" src=\"http:\/\/humanrights-online.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/08\/2016_09_19__dsc1279_rsz_crp_crp.jpg\" alt class=\"img-responsive\"\/><\/a><\/span><\/div><div class=\"fusion-sep-clear\"><\/div><div class=\"fusion-separator fusion-full-width-sep\" style=\"margin-left: auto;margin-right: auto;margin-top:20px;width:100%;\"><\/div><div class=\"fusion-sep-clear\"><\/div><div class=\"fusion-text fusion-text-2\"><p><strong><a href=\"https:\/\/freedomhouse.org\/expert\/gina-s-lentine\">Gina S. Lentine<\/a><\/strong>, <em>Program Officer, Eurasia<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div><div class=\"fusion-clearfix\"><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div><div class=\"fusion-fullwidth fullwidth-box fusion-builder-row-2 hundred-percent-fullwidth non-hundred-percent-height-scrolling\" style=\"--awb-border-radius-top-left:0px;--awb-border-radius-top-right:0px;--awb-border-radius-bottom-right:0px;--awb-border-radius-bottom-left:0px;--awb-overflow:visible;--awb-margin-top:30px;--awb-margin-bottom:30px;--awb-background-color:rgba(255,255,255,0);--awb-flex-wrap:wrap;\" ><div class=\"fusion-builder-row fusion-row\"><div class=\"fusion-layout-column fusion_builder_column fusion-builder-column-2 fusion_builder_column_1_1 1_1 fusion-one-full fusion-column-first fusion-column-last fusion-column-no-min-height\" style=\"--awb-bg-size:cover;--awb-margin-bottom:0px;\"><div class=\"fusion-column-wrapper fusion-flex-column-wrapper-legacy\"><div class=\"fusion-sep-clear\"><\/div><div class=\"fusion-separator fusion-full-width-sep\" style=\"margin-left: auto;margin-right: auto;width:100%;\"><div class=\"fusion-separator-border sep-single sep-solid\" style=\"--awb-height:20px;--awb-amount:20px;--awb-sep-color:#f4f4f4;border-color:#f4f4f4;border-top-width:1px;\"><\/div><\/div><div class=\"fusion-sep-clear\"><\/div><div class=\"fusion-clearfix\"><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/div><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"","protected":false},"author":113,"featured_media":11556,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"slim_seo":{"title":"Draft Law on NGOs Could Imperil Moldovan Democracy - Menschenrechte Osteuropa - News &amp; Konflikte","description":"Draft Law on NGOs Could Imperil Moldovan Democracy This summer has proven to be a tumultuous period for civil society in Moldova. On July 11, the Minister of Ju"},"footnotes":""},"categories":[218,236,112,216],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-11560","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-bl-en","category-moldawien-cat-en","category-moldova","category-standard"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/humanrights-online.org\/ge\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11560","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/humanrights-online.org\/ge\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/humanrights-online.org\/ge\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/humanrights-online.org\/ge\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/113"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/humanrights-online.org\/ge\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=11560"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/humanrights-online.org\/ge\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11560\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":30207,"href":"https:\/\/humanrights-online.org\/ge\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/11560\/revisions\/30207"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/humanrights-online.org\/ge\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/11556"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/humanrights-online.org\/ge\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=11560"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/humanrights-online.org\/ge\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=11560"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/humanrights-online.org\/ge\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=11560"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}