Moldova is seriously affected by \u2018state capture\u2019<\/h1><\/div>Over the last decade, Moldova has gone through several stages of corruption – from endemic corruption, to the \u201cpoliticization\u201d of the fight against corruption by eliminating political rivals and business competitors and ultimately to state capture by a narrow group with obscure interests, says the study \u201cState Capture: the Case of the Republic of Moldova\u201d that was launched by Transparency International \u2013 Moldova, Association for Participatory Democracy (ADEPT), Institute for Development and Social Initiative \u201cViitorul\u201d and the Legal Resources Center of Moldova on June 16, IPN reports.<\/p>\n
According to the study, beginning with 2009, the Democratic Party of Moldova (PDM), headed initially from the shadows, and then officially by the controversial oligarch Vladimir Plahotniuc, imposed its interests in cartel agreements between members of the ruling coalition, which were three at first. Initially, he took control of the anticorruption bodies, further expanding the law enforcement, gradually eliminating some of the players from the game. \u201cThe state capture started in 2009, when Parliament allowed distributing the posts between the three ruling parties. They began then to free Moldova from Communists, but now we have a \u201cmafiotized\u201d state,\u201d ADEPT executive director Igor Botan said in a news conference<\/u><\/a> at IPN.<\/p>\nThe study authors say the PDM obtained modest results in the last parliamentary elections. However, it „converted“ by various methods, including blackmail and bribery, MPs from other factions. Parliament has been subject to an unprecedented dictate of political „migration“. At present, PDM has become the absolute beneficiary of the „migration“ phenomenon of deputies and in fact controls the Legislature. \u201cThe current legislative body is very productive when there are particular interests,\u201d stated Igor Botan.<\/p>\n
Anticorruption bodies, due to their hierarchical subordination and lack of individual guarantees and freedoms similar to judges, are more prone to control. The selectivity of filing files against political opponents and economic competitors speaks of the fact that the institutions are under the influence of this group of interests\/oligarchs. The interest group that controls the Legislature and the anti-corruption bodies extends its control over the judiciary. \u201cThe Prosecutor General\u2019s Office hasn\u2019t yet shown that it terminated its affiliation with the PDM. There are many examples pointing to this connection,\u201d said Nadejda Hriptievschi, programs director at the Legal Resources Center of Moldova.<\/p>\n
According to the study, criminal prosecution bodies and courts have been used by the PDM as instruments of intimidation and loyalty to political rivals both at central and local levels. This practice is particularly noticeable with regard to local councilors and mayors who are blackmailed to join the PDM. The central government and, to a large extent, the local government are controlled by this party that uses state institutions for their own benefit. \u00a0\u201cWe have a ruling party that represents a center where all the decisions are taken. From several parties that ruled in 2009, we now have one party that stifled all the others, eliminating them,\u201d noted Transparency International \u2013 Moldova executive director Lilia Carasciuc.<\/p>\n
The study says that by controlling the Legislature and dominating, in large part, the Judiciary, it is very easy to concentrate power in the institutions of the Executive. \u201cThe Government is subdued and is excessively politicized. The fight against corruption led by the Executive is open to question, especially in the recent past. The decisions taken by the Government today do not belong to the ministers,\u201d stated \u201cViitorul\u201d expert Ion Tabarta.<\/p>\n
This activity was conducted within the project \u201cBuilding the State of Law and Democracy: the Contribution of Civil Society\u201d funded by the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to Romania. The opinions expressed in this document do not necessarily reflect the position of the donor.<\/p>\n
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Over the last decade, Moldova has gone through several stages of corruption – from endemic corruption, to the \u201cpoliticization\u201d of the fight against corruption by eliminating political rivals and business competitors and ultimately to state capture by a narrow group with obscure interests, says the study \u201cState Capture: the Case of the Republic of Moldova\u201d that was launched by Transparency International \u2013 Moldova, Association for Participatory Democracy (ADEPT), Institute for Development and Social Initiative \u201cViitorul\u201d and the Legal Resources Center of Moldova on June 16, IPN reports.<\/p>\n
According to the study, beginning with 2009, the Democratic Party of Moldova (PDM), headed initially from the shadows, and then officially by the controversial oligarch Vladimir Plahotniuc, imposed its interests in cartel agreements between members of the ruling coalition, which were three at first. Initially, he took control of the anticorruption bodies, further expanding the law enforcement, gradually eliminating some of the players from the game. \u201cThe state capture started in 2009, when Parliament allowed distributing the posts between the three ruling parties. They began then to free Moldova from Communists, but now we have a \u201cmafiotized\u201d state,\u201d ADEPT executive director Igor Botan said in a news conference<\/u><\/a> at IPN.<\/p>\n The study authors say the PDM obtained modest results in the last parliamentary elections. However, it „converted“ by various methods, including blackmail and bribery, MPs from other factions. Parliament has been subject to an unprecedented dictate of political „migration“. At present, PDM has become the absolute beneficiary of the „migration“ phenomenon of deputies and in fact controls the Legislature. \u201cThe current legislative body is very productive when there are particular interests,\u201d stated Igor Botan.<\/p>\n Anticorruption bodies, due to their hierarchical subordination and lack of individual guarantees and freedoms similar to judges, are more prone to control. The selectivity of filing files against political opponents and economic competitors speaks of the fact that the institutions are under the influence of this group of interests\/oligarchs. The interest group that controls the Legislature and the anti-corruption bodies extends its control over the judiciary. \u201cThe Prosecutor General\u2019s Office hasn\u2019t yet shown that it terminated its affiliation with the PDM. There are many examples pointing to this connection,\u201d said Nadejda Hriptievschi, programs director at the Legal Resources Center of Moldova.<\/p>\n According to the study, criminal prosecution bodies and courts have been used by the PDM as instruments of intimidation and loyalty to political rivals both at central and local levels. This practice is particularly noticeable with regard to local councilors and mayors who are blackmailed to join the PDM. The central government and, to a large extent, the local government are controlled by this party that uses state institutions for their own benefit. \u00a0\u201cWe have a ruling party that represents a center where all the decisions are taken. From several parties that ruled in 2009, we now have one party that stifled all the others, eliminating them,\u201d noted Transparency International \u2013 Moldova executive director Lilia Carasciuc.<\/p>\n The study says that by controlling the Legislature and dominating, in large part, the Judiciary, it is very easy to concentrate power in the institutions of the Executive. \u201cThe Government is subdued and is excessively politicized. The fight against corruption led by the Executive is open to question, especially in the recent past. The decisions taken by the Government today do not belong to the ministers,\u201d stated \u201cViitorul\u201d expert Ion Tabarta.<\/p>\n This activity was conducted within the project \u201cBuilding the State of Law and Democracy: the Contribution of Civil Society\u201d funded by the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to Romania. The opinions expressed in this document do not necessarily reflect the position of the donor.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n
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